Google Search

Friday, June 7, 2013

Buddhist temples in Japan joining matchmaking boom

Home Asia Pacific North Asia Japan

Wakayama, Japan -- An increasing number of Buddhist temples have been joining the match making boom of recent years in Japan.

In the middle of February, 12 men and as many women, mostly in their late 30s and early 40s, gathered at Anrakuji, a temple of the Nichiren sect in the city of Wakayama, for a spouse-finding event, with each paying 2,500 yen for participation.

"Please value the chance of meeting each other here even if you don't find a partner," Shunko Yoshino, chief priest of the temple, said as he kicked off the event.

The men introduced themselves for three minutes each at tables occupied by women participants, cheerfully but earnestly talking about their occupations, families and other aspects of themselves.

After the event, which also included making colourful beadrolls and taking tea, participants wrote the names of those they were interested in on cards and submitted them to Yoshino, who chanted a Buddhist sutra, wishing for good matches.

"You have Buddha in yourself and I want you to find Buddha in other people," Yoshino said in his subsequent lay sermon. Buddha meets Buddha' is the theme of this event."Eventually, four couples were matched.

The matchmaking event was launched in 2011 jointly by Yoshino and Ryushin Yasutake, 37, chief priest of Dorakuji, a temple of the Kuze Kannon sect in the town of Katsuragi, Wakayama Prefecture, known as a foster home for children.

Yoshino, 35, and Yasutake got acquainted with each other through a nonprofit organisation aimed at teaching Buddhism to children.

Agreeing on the importance of families, the two priests jointly started the matchmaking event and have conducted it on seven occasions to date, including the latest one in February, at either of their temples. The event brings Buddhism to the fore because it is held at temples, the two stressed.

"Temples should be places for mental growth and I hope (participants) will think they can become happy if they bring Buddhism into their daily lives," Yoshino said.

"For people who found their spouses here, our temples are places they can return to and seek advice from," Yasutake said.

" Matchmaking events conducted by temples of different sects are also drawing attention as a model for revitalising temples.

While matchmaking events are now held at temples in various parts of the country, the move was triggered by Katsuhiko Horiuchi, 34, who heads a group of people interested in temple lodging.


View the original article here

Thursday, June 6, 2013

Afghanistan hurries to uncover, document ancient Buddhist city

Home Asia Pacific South Asia Afghanistan

A buried Buddhist city in Afghanistan is sitting atop an enormous copper deposit and a planned Chinese open-pit mine, the largest private investment in Afghan history. Archaeologists are racing to document and preserve the treasures before they’re lost forever.

MES AYNAK, Afghanistan -- It had the potential to be another Afghanistan Buddha disaster, recalling the Taliban’s destruction of two ancient statues that had stood for centuries in this country’s west: A buried Buddhist city lost to time was about to be obliterated by what promised to be one of the largest copper mines in the world.

<< JAY PRICE / MCCLATCHY NEWSPAPERS
Archaeologists and local laborers excavate the main part of the ancient city at Mes Aynak in Afghanistan, which sits on the old Silk Road trading route connecting China and India with the Mediterranean.

Now, however, thanks to delays in construction of the massive mine and a hefty influx of cash from the World Bank, the 1.5-square-mile Mes Aynak complex is an archaeological triumph - though bittersweet.

An international team of archaeologists and more than 550 laborers are now frantically excavating what turns out to be a unique window into Afghanistan’s role on the ancient Silk Road connecting China and India with the Mediterranean.

With its Buddhist city, a ring of perhaps a half-dozen monasteries and a striking complex of workshops and mine shafts built into a high mountain ridgeline at an altitude of 8,200 feet, the site shows the interplay of Buddhism, mining and trade during the years it was in operation, now thought to be from the fifth to the late eighth centuries.

It underscores the conflict between cultural preservation and Afghanistan’s desperate need to find a way to survive as the international community winds down its involvement in the country. The copper may be worth $100 billion, five times the estimated value of Afghanistan’s entire economy, in which the government and military are funded mainly by foreign countries. The best private-sector jobs are with foreign relief groups.

A Chinese consortium agreed in 2007 to pay $3 billion for a 30-year lease on the mine. It was the largest private investment in Afghan history, and Afghan officials hailed it as a key component in building an economy that one day won’t rely almost solely on donor nations and the opium trade. They said it would generate hundreds of millions of dollars a year for the government eventually, and would provide thousands of jobs.

The massive open-pit mine, though, would destroy most or all of the ruins, which were larded with well-preserved frescoes and more than 1,000 statues, including hundreds of Buddhas.

The specter of Buddhas being dynamited or bulldozed immediately sparked comparison with one of the greatest cultural disasters in Afghan history: the Taliban’s destruction in 2001 of the giant Buddhas set into cliff walls in Bamiyan province

But a small group of French and Afghan archaeologists cut an informal deal with the Ministry of Mines in 2009 for time to perform a “rescue excavation,” to recover as many key artifacts and document the site to whatever degree possible before the mining begins.

When that will be, they don’t know. A December deadline came and went. Now they have until June to finish work on the primary sites, said Mossadiq Khalili, the Afghan deputy minister of cultural affairs. Work on some of the monasteries on the edge of the mine area could continue for several years, he said.

The archaeologists are almost certain that they have until at least 2016, because so little progress has been made on the mine. There seem to be no firm plans yet for the necessary power plant, smelter and rail line, or for the mining operation itself.

“So, if that’s correct, it means that there is, I won’t say plenty of time, but a reasonable, good amount of time to work on this site,” said Philippe Marquis, the director of the French Archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan, which has been operating in the country since 1922 and acts as an adviser to the Afghan government.

The World Bank, keen to see the mine succeed, committed $8 million last year to the archaeological project.

Without the copper mine, Mes Aynak and its artifacts very likely would have been destroyed anyway, Marquis and others think, looted by dealers in stolen antiquities, the fate of many Afghan archaeological sites. But with hopes for an economic boon, there’s a strong chance the site will be documented and its artifacts preserved.

Many of the site’s statues and paintings have been removed, and the rest will soon follow, said Nicolas Engel, an assistant director of the French Archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan.

It’s an adventure just to visit the site, in Logar province about 25 miles south of Kabul. Al-Qaida trained here before the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and the highway is still subject to occasional Taliban assaults.

The mine site is fenced and heavily guarded. One tunnel, apparently dug by the Russians when they occupied Afghanistan in the 1980s, is thought to be booby-trapped, and land mines left from their presence are still a major hazard. One laborer was wounded last year when he struck a mine while digging, Engel said.

Everywhere are the telltale signs of copper mining going back centuries. Blankets of fused slag — the byproduct of the old copper-smelting operations — tint the mountainside black. In one place the slag was piled nearly 40 feet high, evidence of thousands of years of production.

Large sections of the city have emerged. Several monasteries, each on a hill or mountain above the main city, have been excavated, and more than 1,000 sculptures have been found. Ancient manuscripts and decorative woodwork also have been uncovered.

On a recent sunny day, British archaeologist Thomas Eley sat on a wall sketching the layout of a small building and pondering a small indentation beside a heavily scorched depression in the floor. More than 700 coins had been found in the building, and he said it appeared to be a place where coins had been made from the copper smelted atop the mountain.

Across an ancient street, laborers were uncovering more buildings.

“I’m an archaeologist, so of course I’m sad about what will happen here, but it’s also life, and life has to go on,” said Usman Ishanzada, who’s from Tajikistan. “If this mine can bring some life and jobs for local people, why not?”

The plan is to remove all the artifacts, even the largest statues and the domed shrines called stupas. Afghan officials hope to build a museum just north of Mes Aynak.

Marquis said it was possible that time wasn’t the major challenge now.

“Our biggest problem has become the long-term conservation of all these things that are being saved,” he said. “We need to work on a plan for what to do with them.”


View the original article here

Wednesday, June 5, 2013

The Engaged Buddhism of Sulak Sivaraksa

Home Personality

Sulak Sivaraksa turns 80 years of age on March 27, 2013

Bangkok, Thailand -- Prominent Buddhist writer and activist, Sulak Sivaraksa, changed his clothes to appear like other locals bartering and selling wares along the northern Thailand border. He pulled his hat low as he knew his face had been broadcast the previous three nights on national TV as a fugitive. Slipping a large bribe to a riverboat man to avoid the Thai border security check-post, Sulak made it across the Mekong River to Laos in a small canoe, undetected. In August 1991, he was a wanted man, on the run.

<< Photo by Hannah Sommer

An arrest warrant had been issued for Sulak following a speech at Thammasat University entitled “The Regression of Democracy in Siam.” In response, he took refuge inside the German embassy in Bangkok. Police cars awaited Sulak outside the embassy gates, and plain-clothed officers were posted near his home where his worried wife stayed with their three children. After a two-week standoff at the embassy, Sulak indicated he would give himself up to the police to face strict charges of lèse majesté - which bans criticism of the King, royal family, and the Thai military - and brings with it a minimum 15-year prison sentence.

Instead of surrendering to police the next morning, Sulak made a surreptitious dash out an alleyway gate, ducked into a car and headed for the Thai-Lao border. Taking back roads and sleeping in safe houses and the jungle, Sulak listened to radio broadcasts calling him a rat and a criminal.

After he made it across the Mekong to Laos, Sulak was on his own with only a few hundred baht and a package of saltine crackers in his satchel. He was scared, but as he rode a rickety bus on his way to a friendly Laotian diplomat’s home he meditated upon his breath to calm his mind. After two days in hiding, Sulak boarded an Aeroflot flight, using the boarding pass of a student en route to Russia to study. He eventually arrived in Stockholm where he called his wife, knowing the police had tapped his home telephone, and told her he was safe, but did not know how long he would be in exile.
Throughout the Buddhist world there are practitioners whose spiritual path is one and the same with their work in politics. Indeed two of the most prominent global Buddhist leaders are the Dalai Lama and Thich Nhat Hanh, monks who are known for their life-long promotion of social justice and compassion in action. And recently, Aung Sang Suu Kyi’s release from house arrest by the military junta and her election to parliament has placed this Burmese Buddhist at the center of the world political stage.

olitical strife in Tibet, Vietnam and Burma has pushed the Dalai Lama, Thich Nhat Hanh, and Aung Sang Suu Kyi into greater roles and responsibility than they otherwise might have had. And like these socially engaged Buddhists, Sulak Sivaraksa’s political activism, community organizing, and work for marginalized people manifests from his Buddhist practice.

For his activism, writings, and speeches, Sulak has been exiled from Thailand on two occasions (1976-77 and 1991-94), jailed four times, and been accused repeatedly of defaming the Thai monarchy, but he has always won acquittals. Nobody has successfully silenced Sulak.

For the last 35 years, Sulak has traveled the world lecturing, writing, mentoring, participating in inter-religious dialogues, and founding organizations such as the International Network of Engaged Buddhists, with his friends the Dalai Lama, Thich Nhat Hanh, and the late Maha Gosananda as its patrons. All the while, he has published his own and others’ books and articles; Sulak has more than 100 books in Thai and English in his name.

Sulak’s worldwide prominence as a socially engaged Buddhist and advocate for the oppressed, and his national celebrity as a thorn-in-the-side of successive Thai governments and the monarchy, is an unlikely role because he was raised in a prosperous aristocratic family. From childhood, he was steeped in conservative royalism - believing the king to be infallible, and taught to be highly skeptical of progressive monks or promoters of democracy. His two years as a monk at a temple under royal patronage in the early 1940s reinforced the notion of the supreme benevolence of the monarchy and ruling elite. His parents sent him to study in Bangkok’s prestigious Anglican and Catholic schools, and in the 1950s Sulak earned degrees in law and philosophy in England. Sulak was on the fast track to a senior government post or the comfortable life as an affluent Sino-Thai businessman.

But Sulak chose a different path than accumulating money or political clout. Judith Simmer-Brown has written, “Each of these paths held the power and prestige that were his birthright. Sulak made an unusual choice. He stepped outside the walls of his palace, he looked carefully, intimately, at the suffering, exploitation, and aggression that pervaded the world. And Sulak made a decision not to return to the palace of conventional power and prestige.”

Sulak returned to Thailand in the early 1960s after five years of study in England. During his time abroad, the military had come to dominate nearly all aspects of government, academic and public life in Thailand. He found the intellectual landscape barren. Even though there were fledgling social reform movements, martial law reigned in Thailand throughout the 1960s. Backed by the United States, military generals used communism as a label to purge all forms of political dissent. Hundreds of artists, writers, journalists and editors were jailed without trail on the charge of being communist. “The dictatorship had created darkness,” Sulak has written.

Still, in the 1960s, Sulak was a defender of the monarchy, an elitist, and one who believed that he knew what was best for Thai society. In 1963, Sulak founded and edited the Social Science Review—a journal that quickly became the most influential intellectual outlet in the country. The Review was instrumental in awakening student awareness that eventually led to the overthrow of the military regime in 1973.

A transformative meeting with the progressive Thai Prince Sitthiporn happened while Sulak was editor of the Review. During one of their meetings, the prince said, “Sulak, yes, this country needs an intellectual magazine. But don’t let it become intellectual masturbation.”

When Sulak asserted that he was helping his countrymen with his writings, recounting the intellectual history of Siam, the prince responded, “Do you know anything about farmers? They suffer and you know nothing about it!”

This encounter inspired Sulak from simply thinking about benefitting his brethren into actually doing something. It was his call to action. Sulak saw clearly how his arrogant, top-down approach was fundamentally flawed. He began to visit rural villages, temples, and the terraced rice fields to understand the actual conditions of the people. The farmers and workers he met taught Sulak a profound lesson, and one he reiterates to this day; that to address a suffering situation - be it poverty, war, or environmental disaster - one must go and be with the suffering itself, with the people who are affected.

During this time, Sulak opened the first alternative bookstore in Thailand called Suksit Siam (suksit means intellectual). Suksit Siam became a hub for cultural, Buddhist, and educational activities in Bangkok that promoted social reform and democracy, much to the distrustful eye of the military generals. Sulak also led gatherings and workshops in the Coffee House Council adjacent to the bookshop. Several leaders of the 1973 student uprising were part of Sulak’s circle and the political philosophy of many leaders of today’s political movements (known as the Red Shirts and Yellow Shirts) was honed at the workshops.

Sulak’s transformation from an intellectual elite into a grassroots campaigner for social justice in the 1970s was shaped by what he learned from rural people, farmers, and students. He came to the firm belief that all aspects of society—including Buddhism, the monarchy, and government—must be open to criticism and debate.

At the time, and still today, such criticism in Thailand is grounds for imprisonment. It was against the backdrop of social and political unrest of the 1970s in Thailand, including the country being affected greatly by the war in Vietnam and the fall of Laos and Cambodia to communist control, that Sulak began his Buddhist activism. He launched dozens of foundations, charities, non-governmental organizations, and activist groups throughout the 1970-80s, which formed the bases upon which Thailand’s robust network of non-governmental organizations currently exists. Sulak generated tangible results though his work on rural and urban community development, provided political voice to the poor and displaced, and he effectively challenged environmentally destructive pipelines and dams in northern Thailand.

The foundation for Sulak’s activism is within the teachings of the Buddha. In A Buddhist Vision for Renewing Society, Sulak writes, “Buddhist practice inevitably entails a concern with social and political matters, and these receive a large share of attention in the teaching of the Buddha as it is represented in the Pali Canon. To attempt to understand Buddhism apart from its social dimension is mistaken.”

He argues that Buddhists need to practice the Dharma in a manner that is relevant to today’s socio-political context. Sulak is not advocating a new understanding of Buddhism but rather how individuals apply the Buddha’s teachings to modern socio-economic and political dilemmas. Sulak has been greatly inspired in this regard by his discussions and work with Thich Nhat Hanh and the Dalai Lama, and the two most progressive and influential Thai monks of the 20th century, Arjan Buddhadasa and Bhikkhu P.A. Payutto. “Buddhism with a small “b” is what Sulak came to call this approach towards Buddhist practice.
Buddhism with a small “b”
 
In Sulak’s most widely read book, Seeds of Peace, he presents small “b” Buddhism. He begins with the individual; encouraging practitioners to develop their character based upon the Buddha’s teachings of mindfulness, tolerance, and interconnectedness. He believes this will naturally lead to the deeper understanding of how one’s spiritual progress is related directly to the degree we work to relieve suffering within society. Progress along one’s spiritual path and social reform, then, are inextricably linked, in Sulak’s vision.

Coupled with the inner practice of small “b” Buddhism, that is, cultivating mindfulness, tolerance, and a deep realization of interconnectedness, Sulak also reinterprets the classic five precepts for the modern day, extending them beyond the individual to society at large. For example, regarding the first precept to abstain from harm, Sulak challenges the individual to understand that while they might not be killing outright, they must examine how their own actions might support wars, racial conflict, or the breeding of animals for human consumption.

<< Sulak, Maha Ghosananda, and the Dalai Lama

Considering the second precept of abstaining from stealing, Sulak questions the moral implications of capitalism, and of the depletion of natural resources. Stopping global structures of male dominance and the exploitation of women is a natural extension of one’s third precept of abstaining from sexual misconduct. And vowing to abstain from false speech would naturally bring into question how mass media and mainstream education promotes a prejudiced and biased view of the world. Finally, Sulak believes the fifth precept to avoid intoxicants deals with nothing short of international peace and justice because, “the Third World farmers grow heroin, coca, coffee, and tobacco because the economic system makes it impossible for them to support themselves growing rice and vegetables.”

While Sulak is known for his fiery speeches, he strikes a more analytical tone when he writes about this re-interpretation of the five precepts. “I do not attempt to answer these questions. I just want to raise them for us to contemplate.”
For Sulak’s 21st century articulation of the Buddha’s teachings, the Dalai Lama has written, “I believe Sulak and I share a conviction that if we are to solve human problems, economic and technological development must be accompanied by an inner spiritual growth. And if we succeed in fulfilling both these goals, we will surely create a happier and more peaceful world.”
Sulak’s writings and activism for four decades in Thailand and around the world have led to his twice being nominated for the Noble Peace Prize (1993, 1994), and to receiving the Right Livelihood Award in 1995 “for his vision, activism and spiritual commitment in the quest for a development process that is rooted in democracy, justice and cultural integrity.” In 2011, Sulak was honored with the Niwano Peace Prize.
Kalyanamitta - Spiritual friendship
 
Woven through all of Sulak’s work is the spirit of kalyanamitta—a Pali term connoting spiritual friendship. Sulak’s spiritual friendships have long been on display at his traditional teak home in the middle of Bangkok—itself a protest against the ills of rampant urbanization—where for many decades he has hosted an endless stream of students, activists, politicians and refugees from around the world. Sitting in the palm-leaf courtyard with bamboo chairs and mats circling him, Sulak is the center of activity; planning, envisioning, dreaming and executing his vision while fostering an open forum for appraising, criticizing, and analyzing each other’s spiritual path. Sulak counts Quakers and Protestants as some of his dearest kalyanamitta.

In the Upaddha Sutta, the Buddha is said to have responded to Ananda when the disciple asked the master if spiritual friendship was half of the holy life. “Half of the holy life? Don’t say that, Ananda,” the Buddha responded. “Admirable friendship, admirable companionship, admirable camaraderie is actually the whole of the holy life. When a monk has admirable people as friends, companions, and comrades, he can be expected to develop and pursue the noble eightfold path.”

Sulak summarizes his modern day interpretation of kalyanamitta in Buddhism and Development, as “a Good Friend would be one’s ‘other voice’ of conscience, to put one on the proper path of development so that one would not escape from society nor would one want to improve society in order to claim it as one’s own achievement.”

Sulak recalls when he once saw a photograph of the Dalai Lama holding a bottle of Coca-Cola. On their next meeting in India, Sulak felt obliged—in the spirit of kalyanamitta —to tell the Tibetan leader about the suffering and environmental harm that is associated with a single can of the beverage.

Sulak has also felt compelled in recent years to question his friend Thich Nhat Hanh about charging money to attend teachings by the Vietnamese monk, and suggesting that the Plum Village retreat center in France might only attract the rich and not be available to poor people. Thich Nhat Hanh assured Sulak that there is never a charge for his Dharma talks, and that nobody is excluded. Sulak also suggested to Thich Nhat Hanh that he is disconnected from those outside his inner circle, and, that there might be too many layers between the monk and his disciples, “that there is only a monologue and no dialogue with your students.”

“A good friend tells you what you don’t want to hear. We don’t have to agree but I want to express my concern,” Sulak told Thich Nhat Hanh last year in Bangkok.

“You see, it is so difficult even to meet with you,” Sulak said. “You are surrounded by so many people, like guards; and you don’t even know…Perhaps those people around you won’t criticize or tell you these types of things, but I will because we are friends for so many years.”

Thich Nhat Hanh’s reply, perhaps his own soft-spoken critique of Sulak, was that Sulak should be better equipped with all the information before openly criticizing him, or anyone else. Indeed the two elder Buddhist activists’ kalyanamitta goes back decades to when they collaborated to smuggle rice into Vietnam in the early 1970s, to Sulak staying in Thich Nhat Hanh’s small apartment in Paris in 1976 when the they were both in exile, to Sulak first publishing a meditation manual for activists which would later become the monk’s best selling book, Miracle of Mindfulness. Sulak’s daily meditation practice is indebted to Thich Nhat Hanh’s personal instructions. Thich Nhat Hanh has said of his friend, “Sulak Sivaraksa is a bodhisattva who devotes all of his energies to helping others.”

Sulak reserves his most pointed criticism for his fellow Buddhists and decries extravagant rituals and those concerned with titles and shallow ceremony. He warns against institutionalized elements of Buddhism that offer little spirituality but rather perpetuate patriarchal hierarchies, myth, superstition, and insincere rituals - what Sulak calls Buddhism with a capital “B”. Whether it is government-backed clergy or simply large Buddhist organizations, Sulak sees the seeds of chauvinism, prejudice, and nationalism being sown when the Buddhist teachings are used by individuals and groups to advance a politically-motivated agenda.

Sulak’s version of kalyanamitta offers, and inspires, loyalty among those with whom he works; though Sulak’s closest colleagues are not spared his sharp appraisals. Roshi Joan Halifax has written, “Sulak is a lion. His great roar awakens the social activist to their real vocation.” However, on numerous occasions, that roar has been too much and those within Sulak’s inner circle have parted ways. “I support Sulak in his work; but will do so from afar. I would never work for him,” is a refrain of numerous prominent Buddhist activists in Thailand.

Sulak admits he has a sizeable ego, and encourages his kalyanamitta to point it out if he is not walking his talk. Sulak hears regularly from these friends about his limitations—his temper, impatience, high-handedness, and fondness for red wine. Even those who are quick to point out Sulak’s apparent failings admit that he can criticize himself just as quickly as he points out shortcomings in others.
Sulak’s activism has transformed in the last decade. In previous years he often focused on defined issues or country-specific problems. Now he struggles against globalization and what he sees as structural violence. Structural violence, Sulak writes in his most recent books, The Wisdom of Sustainability, is the “systematic ways [that] a society’s resources are distributed unequally and unfairly, preventing people from meeting their basic needs.”

To understand how these structures of suffering are perpetuated, Sulak returns to the fundamental Buddhist teaching which asserts every individual has within them seeds of greed, hatred, and delusion—the three poisons. These three poisons are at the root of our suffering. Through the practice of meditation and contemplation, the poisons can be rooted out completely and transformed into generosity, loving-kindness, and wisdom. While this is the classic Buddhist presentation, Sulak extends these from the individual to world, socio-economic system and asserts that the three poisons are used immorally by the rich and powerful.

Sulak explains that personal greed manifests in society as the insatiable desire for accumulation, an ever expanding “possessiveness”—in other words, capitalism, consumerism and natural resources extraction that ignores the limits of the environment. Secondly, he sees individuals’ seeds of hatred manifest in the world as militarism. Thirdly, Sulak’s harshest critique is reserved for what he sees as the peddlers of delusion—advertisers and the main stream media—which he argues promotes useless products and unwholesome ideas which lead people away from a meaningful life of contentedness and towards poverty and a sense of separation.

Some have called Sulak’s provocative and scathing critiques of capitalism and the media prophetic while others think he is an aging idealist. Still, when global economics is seen as the only future, Sulak explains, the market place replaces traditional morals and ethics; refusing to accept this rationale is taken as a sign of weakness, naivety, and inferiority. Sulak disagrees that the world today is at the highest mark of human development, because this often unspoken sentiment prevents the peoples of the world from pursing other aspirations and from thinking about alternative ways to improve or maintain their livelihood and traditions.

Now eighty years old, when Sulak speaks about globalization, one senses a profound sadness for his home country, and for the world.

“The diverse ways of life worldwide increasingly dance to the same tune of consumer culture, which insists that ultimate happiness can be achieved by the never-ending consumption of goods and services,” Sulak says. “This oppressive environment is like a tightening noose that will squeeze the life out of meaningful freedom, democracy, and human rights.”

“I only play a small part because ultimately people have to empower themselves. Perhaps I can help them by reminding…I don’t have the ability or networking to destroy consumerism globalization, the World Bank, the World Trade Organization, or the International Monetary Fund. But if these things don’t change to serve the people, they will destroy themselves. They have no moral legitimacy but only greed to drive them, and this will be their downfall. Meanwhile, I hope that the small people, with alternatives, can survive.

Walking cane in hand and donning traditional Siamese dress, in Sulak’s continuous worldwide travels, he encourages people, especially the young who are indoctrinated by capitalist triumphalism and consumerism, to look at the lives of the spiritual leaders and saints in their own tradition for guidance.

“I am from a Buddhist country, and the Buddha, like so many wise men of the past in other cultures, cultivated two important qualities that were the foundation for spiritual illumination—simplicity and humility.”

“When we begin to develop simplicity in our life, and humility towards others and the environment, we begin to break free of that oppressive net. Perhaps more importantly, when we cultivate mindful-awareness alongside simplicity and humility, we can liberate ourselves completely from our own anger, greed, and delusion. Through this personal transformation, we begin to see the interconnectedness between each other and the environment around us. With this insight, we will begin to find the wisdom in caring for each other, how not to abuse the earth’s resources, and find respect for other cultures, traditions, and beliefs.”

Can individuals make a difference? Are we to reject capitalism? How can we stop a war? Where do we start to dismantle structural violence and bring about a more equitable society?

Sulak begins to answer these questions by stressing individual responsibility and the cultivation of mindfulness through meditation. On this note, Sulak tends to be optimistic believing that individuals do have the possibility to alter humanity’s current course.

“Restructuring political and economic institutions cannot, in themselves, bring about liberation. Personal transformation is the starting place. Peace can prevail in a society only when individuals in that society are at peace. When greed, hatred and ignorance govern our personal affairs, they will also be present in our society’s institutions, preventing lasting social change. Real security depends on working on ourselves.”

------------
Matteo Pistono is a writer, practitioner of Tibetan Buddhism, and author of In the Shadow of the Buddha: Secret Journeys, Sacred Histories, and Spiritual Discovery in Tibet. Pistono’s writings and photographs about Tibetan and Himalayan cultural, political and spiritual landscapes have appeared in the Washington Post, BBC’s In-Pictures, Men’s Journal, Kyoto Journal, and HIMAL South Asia. He is the founder of Nekorpa, a foundation working to protect sacred pilgrimage sites around the world, and he sits on the executive council of the International Network of Engaged Buddhists, Rigpa Fellowship, and the Conservancy for Tibetan Art and Culture.

http://www.matteopistono.com/


View the original article here

Tuesday, June 4, 2013

Failed talks over statue by Korean and Japanese Buddhist monks

Home Asia Pacific North Asia S/N Korea News & Issues

Japanese monks seeking return of Gwaneum Bosal statue, while Koreans say it could have been plundered from Korea

Tokyo, Japan -- Monks from Buseok Temple in Seosan, South Chungcheong Province, visited Kannon Temple on the Japanese island of Tsushima to discuss the issue of the Buddha (Gwaneum Bosal) statue, but the talks failed when Japanese Kannon Temple monks declined to meet.

According to reports by Japanese media including Kyodo News and the Tokyo Shimbun, a group including a monk from Buseok Temple named Wonu, another monk, and former lawmaker Kim Won-ung visited Kannon Temple but the monks there refused to discuss the issue. Later, the Kannon Temple monks were quoted in Japanese media as saying, ?The statue of Buddha must be quickly returned.?

The Buseok Temple monks said that they had visited the Japanese temple to communicate the message that it would probably not be possible to return the statue, considering that it was believed to have been plundered from Korea and taken to Japan.

The Japanese government has also made several requests for the Buddhist statue to be returned. ?We are asking the Korean government to return the statue of Buddha according to the bilateral agreement between our two countries,? said Yoshihide Suga, Japanese chief cabinet secretary, in a press conference. The position of the Japanese government is that, regardless of the circumstances through which Kannon Temple came to possess the statue, since it came into Korea after being stolen from Kannon, it should be returned according to the agreement governing cultural items.

The Buddhist statue was made at Buseok Temple in Seosan around AD 1330, but it was subsequently taken to Japan and enshrined in Kannon Temple. In Oct. 2012, it was brought back into Korea by thieves. When the Korean government nabbed the thieves and confiscated the statue, Japan requested its return.

However, in Feb. 2013, a Korean court issued an injunction forbidding the statue to be returned to Japan until such a time as a lawsuit confirms that Kannon Temple acquired the statue through just means.


View the original article here

Sunday, June 2, 2013

Afghanistan moves to salvage ancient Buddhist city – and its economy

Home Asia Pacific South Asia Afghanistan

MES AYNAK, Afghanistan -- It had the potential to be another Afghanistan Buddha disaster, recalling the Taliban’s destruction of two ancient statues that had stood for centuries in this country’s west: A buried Buddhist city lost to time was about to be obliterated by what promised to be one of the largest copper mines in the world.

<< The base of a life-sized Buddha, one of more than 200 found at the Mes Aynak site, sits along with hundreds of other statues depicting figures from Buddhist life and teachings in Afghanistan. | Jay Price/MCT

Now, however, thanks to delays in construction of the massive mine and a hefty influx of cash from the World Bank, the 1.5-square-mile Mes Aynak complex is an archaeological triumph – though bittersweet.

An international team of archaeologists and more than 550 local laborers are now frantically excavating what turns out to be a unique window into Afghanistan’s role on the ancient Silk Road connecting China and India with the Mediterranean.

With its Buddhist city, a ring of perhaps a half-dozen monasteries and a striking complex of workshops and mine shafts built into a high mountain ridgeline at an altitude of 8,200 feet, the site shows the interplay of Buddhism, mining and trade during the years it was in operation, now thought to be from the fifth to the late eighth centuries.

It underscores the conflict between cultural preservation and Afghanistan’s desperate need to find a way to survive as the international community winds down its involvement in the country. The copper here may be worth $100 billion by some estimates, five times the estimated value of Afghanistan’s entire economy, in which the government and military are funded mainly by foreign countries. The best private-sector jobs are with foreign relief groups.

A Chinese consortium agreed in 2007 to pay $3 billion for a 30-year lease on the mine. It was the largest private investment in Afghan history, and Afghan officials hailed it as a key component in building an economy that one day won’t rely almost solely on donor nations and the opium trade. They said it would generate hundred of millions of dollars a year for the government eventually and would provide thousands of jobs.

The massive, open pit mine, though, would destroy most or all of the ruins, which were larded with well-preserved frescoes and more than 1,000 statues, including hundreds of Buddhas.

The specter of Buddhas being dynamited or bulldozed immediately sparked comparison with one of the greatest cultural disasters in Afghan history: the Taliban’s destruction in 2001 of the giant Buddhas set into cliff walls in Bamiyan province. But a small group of French and Afghan archaeologists cut an informal deal with the Ministry of Mines in 2009 for time to perform a "rescue excavation," to recover as many key artifacts and document the site to whatever degree possible before the mining begins.

When that will be, they don’t know. A December deadline came and went. Now they have until June to finish work on the primary sites, said Mossadiq Khalili, the Afghan deputy minister of cultural affairs. Work on some of the monasteries on the edge of the mine area could continue for several years, he said.

The archaeologists feel almost certain that they have until at least 2016, because so little progress has been made on the mine. There seem to be no firm plans yet for the necessary power plant, smelter and rail line, or for the mining operation itself.

"So, if that’s correct, it means that there is, I won’t say plenty of time, but a reasonable, good amount of time to work on this site," said Philippe Marquis, the director of the French Archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan, which has been operating in the country since 1922 and acts as an adviser to the Afghan government.

What makes the prospect of success even greater, Marquis said, is the international interest in getting the mine up and running. Afghanistan has long been desperately poor, but it’s thought to have untapped oil, gas and mineral reserves worth perhaps more than $1 trillion. The World Bank, keen to see the mine project succeed, committed $8 million last year to the archaeological project.

Without the copper mine, Mes Aynak and its artifacts very likely would have been destroyed anyway, Marquis and others think, looted by dealers in stolen antiquities, the fate of many Afghan archaeological sites. But with hopes for an economic boon, there’s a strong chance that the site will be documented and its artifacts preserved.

Many of the site’s statues and paintings have been removed, and the rest will soon follow, said Nicolas Engel, an assistant director of the French Archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan.

It’s an adventure just to visit the site, in Logar province about 25 miles south of Kabul. Al Qaida trained here before the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and the highway is still subject to occasional Taliban assaults. The massive copper mine site is fenced and heavily guarded. One tunnel, apparently dug by the Russians when they occupied Afghanistan in the 1980s, is thought to be booby-trapped, and land mines left from their presence are still a major hazard. One laborer was wounded last year when he struck a mine while digging, Engel said.

Everywhere are the telltale signs of copper mining going back centuries. Blankets of fused slag – the byproduct of the old copper-smelting operations – tint the mountainside black. In one place the slag was piled nearly 40 feet high, evidence of thousands of years of production.

Shovels and picks ring out against rock as local laborers dig. Large sections of the city have emerged, as have roads and alleys that cut across several neighborhoods. Several monasteries, each on a hill or mountain above the main city, have been excavated, and more than 1,000 sculptures have been found, including Buddhas more than twice life-sized. Ancient manuscripts and decorative woodwork also have been uncovered.

On a recent sunny day, British archaeologist Thomas Eley sat on a wall sketching the layout of a small building and pondering a small indentation beside a heavily scorched depression in the floor. More than 700 coins had been found in the building, and he said it appeared to be a place where coins had been made from the copper smelted atop the mountain.

Across an ancient street and several buildings away, another archaeologist was sketching the unusually thick walls and small, extra-secure doorways of what may have been a bank where copper and coins were stored. All around them, laborers were uncovering more buildings, more pieces of the puzzle of Mes Aynak.

"I’m an archaeologist, so of course I’m sad about what will happen here, but it’s also life, and life has to go on," said Usman Ishanzada, who’s from Tajikistan. "If this mine can bring some life and jobs for local people, why not?"

The site poses intriguing questions about the era when Buddhism was the dominant religion in Afghanistan, Marquis said.

"The odd thing is all these Buddhist monasteries," he said. "Monks are not supposed to be miners, because Buddhist monks are not supposed to be working.”

The way monasteries are arrayed around the city and mine creates almost a wall around the site, which almost suggests a type of military activity, too, which would be a previously unknown role for monks.

The success of the project from a scientific and economic standpoint is becoming a positive lesson for the Afghan population and once-skeptical officials in the government, who thought the archaeological efforts would slow the mine and cause problems. Instead they’ve pumped money into the local economy, improved security and made it clear that such work can coexist well with economic development projects.

It’s also showing that even projects unrelated to mines may have big benefits for local communities, Marquis said.

It seems unlikely, he said, that the Afghan government will stop work on the excavation without any mining. That not only would trigger an international uproar but also would make hundreds of workers jobless, a major security issue. Many workers here already acknowledge that they were part of a rocket attack last August that was staged to protest the destruction of villages that sat atop the mine, Marquis said. Their hostility, however, has turned into enthusiasm now that they’ve been hired on.

The plan is to remove all the artifacts, even the largest statues and the domed shrines called stupas. For now, some statues are being stored in shipping containers at the site, and some have been sent to the national museum in Kabul. Afghan officials hope to build a museum just north of Mes Aynak.

Marquis said it was possible that time wasn’t the major challenge now.

"Our biggest problem has become the long-term conservation of all these things that are being saved," he said. "We need to work on a plan for what to do with them."

Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2013/03/12/185592/afghanistan-moves-to-salvage-ancient.html#storylink=cpy


View the original article here

Saturday, June 1, 2013

Sense of foreboding surrounds Tibetan Buddhist leadership

Home Issues

Beijing, China -- With the process of determining the next Dalai Lama unclear, China will pounce upon the opportunity to cause confusion among followers

<< The Dalai Lama

There has been no let-up for five years in the steady drumbeat of unrest among Tibetans in China, and the tempo now seems to be building to a crescendo.

Chinese authorities have failed to produce any policy that addresses Tibetan claims about religious, ethnic, political, cultural and economic oppression in any meaningful way.

And as the Tibetans' religious leader, the Dalai Lama, who is now 77, approaches the end of this incarnation, there are increasingly sharp divisions among leading political and religious figures, especially in the exile capital in Dharamsala in northern India where he lives.

It has been evident for some years that the discovery of the new incarnation of the Dalai Lama is going to be a contentious and politically charged business.

Nothing that has happened recently has given reason to change that judgment.

More than 100 Tibetans in the Beijing-administered Tibet Autonomous Region, and predominantly Tibetan regions of neighbouring Sichuan and Qinghai provinces, have set themselves on fire - self-immolated - since this wave of protest against Chinese rule began in the run-up to the Beijing Olympics in 2008.

Most of these people have died. The Chinese authorities have responded as they usually do in these situations. Security forces have encircled the most activist monasteries, turning them into little more than prisons, and have detained large numbers of monks, nuns and other Tibetans accused of instigating the self-immolations and street protests.

Beijing has also attempted to mount a propaganda campaign against the Dalai Lama, accusing him of encouraging the self-immolations.

However, the Dalai Lama himself has given Beijing room to play with his words.

In an interview last year with India's The Hindu newspaper, the Dalai Lama responded to questions about his lack of a clear denunciation of self-immolation as a protest tactic by saying it is a "very, very delicate political issue."

"Now, the reality is that if I say something positive, then the Chinese immediately blame me. If I say something negative, then the family members of those people feel very sad. They sacrificed their own life. It is not easy. So I do not want to create some kind of impression that this is wrong."

In theory, the Dalai Lama freed himself from such conundrums in 2011 when he relinquished the political leadership of Tibetans and the Tibetan movement for autonomy within China in order to live as a "simple monk."

Following that retirement there was an election in which 50,000 among the 85,000 Tibetans in exile voted for a government with Harvard academic Lobsang Sangay as its prime minister.

While many hoped this division of labour between the religious and political branches of Tibetan life would clarify the situation and perhaps lead to a resumption of talks with Beijing, stalled since January 2010, on Tibetan autonomy, this has not happened.

Meanwhile, the political aspects of the religious future of Tibetan Buddhism is becoming more complex and immediate.

There is no doubt that when the Dalai Lama dies, China will make every effort to take control of the process of discovering his reincarnation, and making sure the new religious leader follows Beijing's instructions.

And the process of divining the identity of the new Dalai Lama is unclear enough for Beijing to be able to pick its own rival successor, and thus cause confusion in the Tibetan Buddhist community.

Beijing's bid to take control of the process began 20 years ago with the death of the 10th Panchen Lama. He is second in the hierarchy of Tibetan Buddhism, and his political significance is that he traditionally leads the hunt for the new incarnation of the Dalai Lama.

The Dalai Lama in 1995 identified a small boy in Tibet, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, as the 11th Panchen Lama.

But the Beijing authorities spirited Nyima away - he has not been seen since - and used another available method of discovering reincarnations - picking names from a golden urn - to identify another small boy, Gyain-cain Norbu, as the 11th Panchen Lama. Norbu has, of course, been raised by Chinese authorities to present Beijing's views on religion and its role in society.

In January 2000, however, a young monk escaped from Tibet to Dharam-sala who adds another unknown factor to the equation of the succession. He is 28-year-old Ogyen Trinley Dorje, the 17th Karmapa, who is head of the Karma Kagyu school, one of the four main schools of Tibetan Buddhism.

Dorje has emerged as a charismatic religious teacher among followers of Tibetan Buddhism worldwide. He also works with the World Wildlife Fund and writes on environmental issues.

There is, unsurprisingly, a movement to have the Dalai Lama name Dorje as his successor.

Whatever happens, a shattering of the Tibetan religious and political leadership appears inevitable, with little likelihood that a clear voice championing the aspirations of the Tibetan people will emerge.


View the original article here

Buddhist monks say words against the Letpadaungtaung final report

Home Asia Pacific South East Asia Myanmar

Yangon, Myanmar -- Buddhist monks injured in the violent crackdown at the Letpadaungtaung copper mine protest expressed their disagreement over an official report that suggested that the project to continue.

<< A Buddhist monk under medical treatment for his buring injury at Yangon General Hospital

They also demanded that authorities look into those responsible people for the violent attack.

"We absolutely don't agree with the relocation of Buddhist buildings there. We Buddhist monks and novices risked our lives to protest against the project. I want to request all the people including monks in Myanmar to protect the historical legacy of Ledi Sayadawgyi," said Ashin Thitzana, an injured monk who just came back from Thailand for medical treatments.

The final report suggested that authorities should continue the Letpadaungtaung project. It also suggested that the Buddhist buildings located in the project site should be moved to a new suitable site without any damage to them should the project go on.    

"Will the Buddhist people in Myanmar accept a mining if it removes Buddhist pagodas located in the mountains? I am very sorry to see the suggestions in the report to move the buildings. I also felt neglected the report didn't say anything about taking actions against those who are responsible for injuring many Buddhist monks," said Ashin Sandawbartha who is still under the treatment for burning at Thidagu Ayudana Hospital in Sagaing Region.

"We [Buddhist monks] are protesting against some of the information written in the report. But we also agree with some of them.” said Ashin Wimala, the leader monk for Guardian Team for the injured monks.
“It's important that local people should decide whether the project should go or not. We will stand on the side of local people. We will protest against any case which can eliminate the Buddhist buildings. We want to see those responsible for hurting the monks taken action according to the law," he said.


View the original article here